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>The hostilities imposed on campuses are animated by a false dichotomy, one that can only imagine two types of Jewish students: those who “support Israel,” and those who are “against Jewish supremacy.”

This is a pretty reasonable dichotomy - normal people versus hardcore progressives. That's basically the two types of people you find on college campuses. I guess most normal people don't support Israel 100% through all negative actions though?

>This binary posits that unless a Jewish student explicitly meets some anti-Zionist criterion (such as demanded by Students for Justice in Palestine), then that young person is decidedly identifiable with Jewish supremacism and Israeli state terror.

Well, this part is stupid since neither of those two things exist in the real world (maybe in very small quantities). But if you completely reverse the roles in terms of who's committing the terror acts, it might make sense to ask someone to be explicitly anti-Zionist. For example:

> Jewish institutions also demand that Palestinians define themselves to fit within Jewish vocabularies of fear and control.

I don't think this is true either, unfortunately. But let's get to what that means:

>One who will foreground an abstract set of affirmations (support “Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state”; condemn violent militarism) without offering any reciprocation for Palestinian national rights to sovereignty, security, or self-determination.

Personally I do reciprocate that and I imagine most Jewish organizations do too. But leave that aside, the point is that condemning violent militarism should really be a baseline. If you support a cause that espouses these principles, you should be asked to be explicitly anti-Hamas, like I said earlier about theoretical anti-Zionism. Otherwise we should assume that you are in favor of these things...as many of these activists are, and are allowed to get away with constantly. In other words:

>Palestine, like Israel, is linked by intergenerational bonds to a diaspora. It should come as no surprise that many in these diasporas have been imprinted by the historical traumas of their homeland, while maintaining a large amount of fellow feeling with the experiences of the populations still living in the homeland.

Yes, that should come as no surprise. But it should be very surprising that they don't share the basic liberal principles of how to resolve these issues. Well, surprising to the average liberal anyways.

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